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More and more, families of foreign heritage in Germany include members who are elderly. These elders have either grown old in Germany as migrants or migrated in their later years. Also present in this group are re-settlers to Germany who are German citizens but whose situation in old age is nevertheless decisively impacted by their migrant status. The exact number of elderly people of foreign heritage is unknown. Instead, only the number of those without German citizenship (elderly foreigners) is certain. The approximately 460 000 foreigners in Germany aged 60 years or older are a very heterogeneous group. About 60 % came from the former recruiting countries, while the rest originate mostly from neighbouring countries, the Netherlands and Austria, or elsewhere. Also included in this group are very old people who came to Germany before World War II or who remained as displaced persons after the end of the war. Elderly people are largely underrepresented among the numbers of asylum seekers and refugees who, for the most part, have been coming to Germany since the 1980’s. In contrast, there are larger elderly contingents among the war refugee population, in whose case entire families were permitted to settle in Germany. Nevertheless, exact figures are not available. Of those foreigners aged 66 years or more, approximately 9 % were born in Germany. For elderly foreigners who came to Germany within the past few years, migration was instigated by children who had migrated earlier and fetched their infirm or invalid parents and grandparents in order to ensure their physical well-being and care. Members of the first generation of migrant workers from former recruiting countries figure quite prominently among the population of foreign elders in Germany. This subgroup will constitute the majority of foreign elders in the years to come. The percentage of re-settlers to Germany who are considered elderly is low. In 1991, 6.2 % of all late-re-settlers were 65 years of age or older (Brandenburg & Rott, 1994). They migrated at different times and came from countries of varying historical and cultural conditions, including the Soviet Union, Poland, and Romania. Moreover, a broad spectrum of social-class affiliations, educational experiences, cultural contexts, and motivations to migrate contribute to the heterogeneity of this elderly population. Because the immigration of entire family units frequently characterised the migration of late-re-settlers, many settlers had already reached old age when they relocated. Exact figures based on empirical studies are seldom available (Brandenburg & Rott, 1994). The situation of late-re-settlers resembles the situation of other groups of elderly foreigners in several respects, especially in the case of elderly refugees and migrant workers who also face the challenge of adopting to new contexts, the stress of having to wait for official clearance to seek employment, and the loss of social contacts and skills. They must compete with German natives for social and material resources from a disadvantaged position, and often experience societal rejection. Although these elders are entitled to pension payments in accordance with the pension laws of the Federal Republic, and are hence provided for, the problem of elder-poverty is nevertheless a real concern, especially for divorced or widowed elderly women. Many late-re-settlers and elderly migrants workers are traditionally oriented. This tendency, resulting from their biographical experiences as members of a minority group, is expressed through their marked dedication to family and religion. However, in contrast to migrant workers who frequently plan to return to their native country, late-re-settlers came to Germany in order to remain there permanently. Their idealised expectations of Germany inevitably led to disappointment. In their old age, they cling to conceptual approaches to society that they had learned in a different cultural setting. These conceptions are evinced as timidity during interactions with officials, insecurity and passivity, as well as high expectations of the state welfare system. When one classifies the ethnic elderly population in Germany according to land of origin, and calculates their proportion among the total population of each ethnic group, the resulting figures are very different. While 14.6 % of Spanish, 9.2 % of Greek, 7.7 % of Italian and 5.9 % of migrants from the former Republic of Yugoslavia are 60 years of age and older, only 3.8 % of Turkish migrants have reached this age category. However, psycho-social old-age tends to begin much earlier than chronological old-age for migrant workers, because their subjective perception of life-stage is frequently defined by such culturally specific rites of passage as early marriage and early entrance into grandparenthood. The number of elderly foreigners registered in 1997 has more than doubled since the last census taken in 1987. It is expected that the percentage of elderly foreigners among the total population of persons in Germany aged 60 years and older will have risen from 1.3 % in 1987 to 6.4 % (1.3 million) in 2010. Although individuals aged 60 years and older represented 5.8 % of all foreigners and 22.5 % of the German population by the end of 1995, the percentages of elderly people among these groups are expected to reach 24.1 % and 36.2 % respectively, by 2050. Because the population of foreigners in Germany is subject to continual inner fluctuation due to immigration and remigration trends, it cannot be certain how accurately these estimates will correspond with actual developments. It is, however, currently foreseeable that the ageing process among the foreign population will continue and that the number of elderly foreigners living in Germany will steadily increase. The label « aged foreigner », which is typically used for statistical calculations and merely refers to a subject’s citizenship, subsumes under a single heading diverse elderly groups differentiated by nationality, as well as distinct ethnicities from the same nationality (for instance, Kurdish, Armenian, and Turkish migrants from Turkey), religion, and social class. Further differentiation among the elderly of foreign heritage emerge with respect to their intentions to either remain in Germany or return to their homeland, their attitudes toward migration, various living conditions, and cultural orientations. Many elders of foreign heritage in Germany remain undecided as to whether they will eventually return to their country of origin. Other countries that have experienced similar migration movements also report that foreign elders’ wish to return « home » remains strong despite decades of residence abroad. For many elders, the decision to spend old age in Germany represents a positive decision that has matured over the course of their extended time abroad. However, many stay contrary to their wishes. Rather than abandon their goal of returning to the homeland, they continuously postpone its fulfilment. Even the increasing likelihood that an elderly foreigner will remain in Germany does not necessarily indicate a reduction in his or her aspirations toward returning to the country of origin. Rather, it represents a de facto alternative to unrealisable goals. Elderly foreigners who originally came to Germany as migrant workers tend to maintain their hopes of an eventual remigration to a greater extent than other groups. This is because the original purpose of their coming to Germany no longer exists once they are excluded from the workforce. A return to the country of origin implies the utilisation of material resources available there. First generation migrant workers frequently have the majority of their savings invested in their country of origin. These elders focused their efforts to accumulate assets, including provisions for retirement, in the country where they planned to spend their old age. Elderly migrants often have access to better living conditions in their native country than in Germany. Economically speaking, the choice is frequently between high rents here and already available living arrangements there, as well as amenities such as garden space, etc. Furthermore, the relatively low pensions received by many elderly migrant workers become considerably more attractive incomes once they are transferred to the countries of origin. In Germany, these incomes only permit a modest lifestyle, particularly in densely populated industrialised areas with higher costs of living. Elders also frequently consider the homeland’s climate as an attractive aspect. In addition, the homeland promises more opportunities of social contact and long established networks of acquaintances. In the BMA study (Olbermann & Dietzel-Papakyriakou, 1996), every eighth respondent had several children living in his or her country of origin. For others, some family members lived in Germany while others lived in the homeland. 38.7 % of respondents in the DRK-Study (1991), approximately half of the respondents in the BMA-Study (Olbermann & Dietzel-Papakyriakou, 1996), and 55 % of respondents in the ZfT-Study (1993) reported having children who live outside Germany. When questioning elderly migrants about their plans to either remain in Germany or return to their country of origin, one must consider the fact that current attitudes are not very often decisive or final but should rather be interpreted in light of an individual’s family background and his or her health, financial, and political situation both in the land of origin and in the land of migration. These kinds of attitudes are thus subject to revision. Survey investigations also need to consider methodological artefacts. Among migrant groups designated either as favouring remigration, favouring remaining in Germany, or undecided, the first group will naturally consist of more individuals who actually do re-migrate and are thus no longer available for questioning. They thus tend to be underrepresented in surveys. Many studies do not consider such artefacts in their methodological discussions. Although the significance of elderly migrants’ mobility across national borders has gained recognition in recent years and attempts are being made to protect the rights of foreigners, elderly migrants may nevertheless only re-migrate at the cost of considerable disadvantages, particularly with respect to social security and health care. Nevertheless, they continue to re-migrate. Between 1974 and 1994 a total of approximately 9.9 million foreigners left Germany. Among those who left, 1 145 271 were 50 years and older (11.6 %). In 1995, 83 793 foreigners aged 50 years and older left Germany (12.0 % of all incidences in which foreigners left Germany.) The actual numbers could indeed be higher because counts of movement across national borders only reflect a portion of actual instances of migration. In international migration research it is assumed that approximately 25 % of cases of remigration remain statistically unaccounted for. It is presumed that in Germany estimates of remigration rates should be higher. Mortality rates among the aged serve as a reliable indicator of the underestimation of remigration rates. For instance, while in 1993 the estimated number of deaths among foreigners between the ages of 60-64 was 1 795, the actual number amounted to less than half that figure, namely 787 deaths (Expertise Schwarz, 1997). 32 % of foreigners aged 60 years and older come from countries within the European Union. As EU citizens, they have a privileged migrant status compared with those who come from non-EU member countries. Since the beginning of the 1990’s, they have enjoyed freedom of mobility upon fulfilling certain requirements. For migrants who came from non-EU member countries, the option of turning back, which is articulated in the new « Auslaendergesetz » (Aliens’ Law) as the « Recht auf Wiederkehr », (right to return) has special significance. According to this law, foreigners who, under specific conditions, receive pension payments from a German carrier and who have re-migrated to their homeland, are legally ensured a residence permit if they wish to return to and resettle in Germany. These measures have recently been extended in accordance with ongoing proposals by congressional commissioners representing the interests of foreigners. 58.5 % of elderly foreigners come from the former recruiting countries Greece, the former Republic of Yugoslavia, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Turkey. A study commissioned by the BMA, which concentrated on these migrants, known as « migrant workers », ascertained a high degree of mobility across national borders among those questioned. This finding corresponds with the findings of international research and with results from other investigations conducted in Germany. As with migratory movements among younger age groups, migration of the elderly is selective; whether for permanent or seasonal time frames, over small or large distances, or related to the « young-old », the « old », or the « old-old », they have different motives for migration. Studies investigating the relationship between readiness to migrate and life cycle have shown that the tendency of the aged to migrate is increasing, particularly among those considered to be the « young-old ». The migration of elderly retired persons is a world-wide phenomenon which mostly consists of movements over small distances. However, it is expected that movements over longer distances will become more significant in the future. Factors contributing to this development will include an increase in psycho-cognitive readiness and skill to migrate resulting from more frequent travel, and an increase in elders’ material resources. Favourable institutional conditions in general, such as the free choice of place of residency for retired persons from countries within the European Union, the progressive harmonisation of legal conditions, and enactment of the possibility to transfer social services, such as health insurance, will reinforce the increasing tendency to migrate. In addition, structural problems, such as high unemployment, high living density, poor residential conditions, high cost of living, and few recreational opportunities will prompt elderly people to migrate. In Germany, in contrast to other countries, the participation of elders in migratory movements is very low. This characteristic, however, only describes the behaviour of native German elders. Aged migrants, particularly migrant workers, participate relatively frequently in migratory movements, whether these be temporary (oscillatory) or permanent (re-migratory). The destination of both oscillatory migration and remigration is most often the place of birth or the place of residence before the original emigration. Although most migratory movements involving native elderly persons cover short distances, the movements of elderly migrant workers are opposite in nature. In their case, movements span greater distances and usually involve crossing national borders. Long-distance migrations seldom occur among the German blue-collar population of the same social status as migrants, but predominantly involve the upper and middle classes. Surveys reveal a striking number of undecided persons – 20 % in the BMA Study (Olbermann & Dietzel-Papakyriakou, 1996) and 27 % in the DRK Study (1991). In these cases, either a spouse is still living in the recruiting country and is not yet qualified to receive pension payments, the children are still in need of parental support, or unforeseeable developments with respect to personal health and financial situations render a final decision difficult. In order to avoid the dilemma of reaching a final decision about residency, many elders of foreign heritage oscillate between their homeland and the land of immigration. Other immigration countries such as France or the Netherlands with their Maghrebian immigrants also report this phenomenon. For some migrants, oscillation is a transitional strategy toward reaching a final decision. For others, it is a long-term solution that enables elders to make use of each country’s respective advantages. For the most part, oscillation is a means of migration among the « young-old ». Those who meet the necessary health and financial requirements oscillate to be able to maintain contact with children, and, as the need arises, have recourse to medical provisions in Germany, as well as experience the climatic and social advantages of the homeland. Oscillation at least partially allows them to take advantage of existing material resources in the homeland that cannot be transferred to Germany. All in all, oscillation is seen in a positive light because it expands elders’ flexibility of lifestyle and that of their families. Migrants possess a higher potential for mobility. This has arisen as a result of the experiences and skills that they acquired over the course of frequent travel and transfers of living arrangements, both before and after migration. They have access to resources favouring mobility, such as social contacts, know-how, and, to a varying degree, an extensive material basis in both countries. Incidences of remigration among elders of foreign heritage are voluntary in most cases and represent a form of active initiative in personally structuring old age. Whether temporary, for elders who alternate between residencies in Germany and the homeland, or permanent, for those who return to their native country intending to stay permanently, it is the promise of an improved life situation that motivates relocation. Potential for mobility is equivalent to the potential to take action. It is therefore counterproductive to prevent these strategies or to hinder elders’ migration. Discussions of migration and elder-assistance should not neglect but specifically address the topic of remigration. Particularly in the present age of eased mobility, mobility among the elderly is expected to increase. Refugees represent a unique group among foreigners in Germany in that they are frequently unable either to re-migrate or commute between nations of residency. Political refugees, in particular, tend to suffer from homesickness because they consider their residence abroad to be provisional. They thus continue to feel tied to the homeland where they closely follow political developments in the hope that these might make an eventual return possible. Homesickness and depression due to the loss of social and occupational status, and the inability to communicate are symptoms that are frequently expressed. Among the elderly, these symptoms are often misinterpreted as senility. Aside from financial and health considerations, one of the most important reasons to remain in Germany is proximity to children who live in this country. This incentive also constitutes the most common motivation for those migrants who first come to Germany in their old age. From 1974 to 1994, approximately 12.3 million foreigners came to Germany. Among them, 1.5 million were 50 years of age or older (9.0 % of all foreigners who entered during those years). Many of these elders came as relatives of migrants who were already established in Germany. Others joined spouses under the provisions of policies regulating family reunification. Foreigners from countries within the European Community are guaranteed freedom of movement, as long as they adhere to stipulations regarding relatives dependent on them for income. For those from non-EU member countries, migration to Germany in old age is possible if family members presently living in Germany accept all the necessary provisions for support. A study by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and the Sozialwissenschaftliches Institutes fuer Gegenwartsfragen (Mehrlaender et al., 1996) determined that 5 % of all respondents migrated to Germany under the status of grandparents. It is to be presumed that the number of elderly foreigners returning to their homeland is partially replaced by the arrival of newcomers migrating under family reunification provisions. Because of the large degree of heterogeneity among the elders of foreign heritage in Germany, the following summary will be limited to a discussion of groups from the former recruiting countries. As the numbers of first generation migrant workers greatly increase in the years to come due to many individuals having reached retirement age, migration and ageing policy makers will have to give special attention to these groups. Public pension insurance plans constitute the most important source of income for most elderly in Germany. Additional income sources, such as private capital (interest payments from possessions and savings, property for hire, and life insurance funds), public social benefits, and aid from relatives also constitute important contributions. Theoretically, this range of income sources also applies to elders of foreign heritage. Frequently, however, elderly migrant workers draw very low pensions. Conditions that account for this discrepancy are late entry into jobs guaranteeing pensions, brief periods of payment into insurance plans, low incomes from unskilled occupations, and the greater than average frequency with which this group is affected by unemployment. In a special evaluation of the micro-census of 1994, Eggen (1997) established that the average monthly per capita net income of foreigners aged 60 years or older, 1 414 DM, is merely 85 % of the income of Germans in the same age category. The income of elderly migrants from Turkey is particularly low, on average, 1 100 DM (66 % of the average income of elderly Germans). However, the incomes of elderly migrants from Greece (1 298 DM) and from the former Republic of Yugoslavia (1 185 DM) are also considerably low with respect to German comparison groups. Household income, which is a more important indicator than personal income, represents somewhat more positive circumstances for elderly foreigners : at 2 277 DM, the average monthly net household income of elderly migrants constitutes 91 % of the average household income of elderly Germans. The average household income of elderly Greeks, 3 000 DM, is indeed higher than the household income of elderly Germans, at 2 515 DM, whereas the average monthly income of elderly Turkish households in Germany is just under the German average, at 2 423 DM. Yet, it is also important to consider the fact that elderly migrants from Greece and Turkey tend to live in larger households than do elderly Germans, and must correspondingly provide for more people. The high degree of heterogeneity among elders of foreign heritage, in addition to sparse data resources, does not make it possible to establish certainties about this group’s income situation. There are no official statistics available that describe the distribution of welfare payments among foreign elders and that are differentiated with regard to country of origin. A special evaluation of the micro-census of 1994 (Eggen, 1997) established that for 13 % of the elders from the former Republic of Yugoslavia aged 60 years and older, public welfare payments constitute the main source of household income. The entrance of refugees from former war territories accounts in large part for this group’s above-average dependency on public benefits. The considerable increase in the number of foreign elderly individuals who receive public benefits under the category of recipients in special life circumstances is accounted for by their nursing care requirements. Between 1985 and 1990, the number of infirm people of foreign heritage dependent upon public benefits doubled. Nevertheless, among the total number of infirm people supported by public funds, the percentage of foreigners is still quite low. When considering such data, however, it is important to note that since the enactment of the Asylbewerberleistungsgesetzes (AsylsbLG) (Asylum seekers’ welfare law) on November 1, 1993, financial support distributed to asylum seekers, denied applicants, and tolerated foreigners is no longer administered under the jurisdiction of conventional welfare allotments. Therefore, these groups are not represented by public benefits statistics. In addition, public benefit statistics have been restructured so that data since the fiscal year 1994 is no longer comparable to data from the previous year. At the end of 1994, 255 500 elderly aged 60 years and older who did not live in an institution received public benefits as a continual compensation for cost of living expenses. 30 500 of elderly welfare recipients were of foreign citizenship, constituting 11.9 % of all welfare recipients not living in institutions. While merely 1.1 % of Germans who are 65 years of age or older and who live in private households are dependent on public assistance, this is the case for 7.8 % of the population of elderly foreigners among the same age group (Statistisches Bundesamt 1995). The elderly of foreign heritage are therefore considerably over-represented among welfare recipients. Income from assistance funds for those living in institutions presents a different situation : by the end of 1994, 29 773 elderly people associated with institutions and aged 60 years or older received continuous support for cost of living expenses. 3.7 % of them were foreigners. Therefore, the percentage of foreigners among this category of recipients is considerably smaller than among those receiving continual assistance who are not associated with institutions (Statistisches Bundesamt, 1997). This distinction should not be interpreted as a lower degree of need, but rather as deriving from the small number of foreign elderly in in-patient eldercare facilities. There is no data available regarding the number of elderly people of foreign heritage living in old-age homes. Early studies in single municipalities indicate an under representation of foreign elders. This imbalance mainly applies to elderly migrant workers from former recruiting countries. Certain groups of elders of foreign heritage, particularly migrant workers, perceive a social stigma associated with life in old-age homes to a greater degree than the German population. In-patient eldercare facilities are also on average ill-prepared to accommodate the specific needs of these elderly groups. Difficulties and insufficient quality apply particularly to the realms of verbal comprehension and communication, nutrition, basic practical care, meeting religious needs, and in interactions with patients’ family members. With the exception of a small minority, foreigners aged 60 years or older live outside institutions in private households. On the whole, the proportion of this group living in single households is lower than among the German elderly : approximately 1/4 compared to 1/3, respectively. However, characteristic living circumstances vary considerably according to nationality. The percentage of elderly people living alone is particularly low among the Turkish population (14.9 %), compared with 27.7 % of elders from the former Republic of Yugoslavia, and 26.3 % of Italian elders who live alone. Accordingly, multiple member households are more widespread among elderly foreigners (74.9 %) compared with elderly Germans (66.3 %). In addition, relatively larger households are typically involved in the care of foreigners. This is especially true for the elderly Turkish population. After all, every fifth elder in Turkey lives in a household with 5 or more members. Due to increasing skills, longer periods of residence, and general improvements in living situations, particularly for second-generation migrants, the quality gradient between the residency circumstances of foreigners and native Germans has decreased. Even in relatively early phases of the migration experience, the residency circumstances of long-established migrants began to show marked signs of improvement. The foreign population’s readiness to acquire private property is increasing. Through joint financing and collective work initiatives, large families can acquire and renovate older buildings and in so doing, realise their wish to live together with several generations under a single roof. Appraisals of elders’ residencies are possible based on results from the 1 % - « Gebaeude und Wohnungsstichprobe » (Buildings and Housing Sample) of 1993. Comparisons of private property shares among foreign households, with at least one member over 65 years of age, reveal that those belonging to foreigners, which amount to 22.7 % of private holdings among the German population, are of considerable importance, albeit relatively low. This proportion includes the households of all elderly foreigners in Germany. Results from studies focused specifically on the elderly from recruiting countries indicate that their housing presents a less positive picture than those of foreign elders on the whole. Most elderly migrants live in rental apartments, especially in large cities, where living space can only be acquired through large financial outlay. The proportion of total income spent on rent is inevitably higher. Foreign households, with at least one member over 65 years of age, have, on average, less access to living space, especially when they are calculated according to the square footage available to each household member. The availability of such amenities like bath/shower, toilette, and central heating is also lower (Dietzel-Papakyriakou & Olbermann, 1998). Worse residential conditions are more due to specific access barriers in the real estate market than to a lesser willingness to pay higher rents. During times of general economic hardship, the demand for more affordable living space among German consumers rises. This intensifies competition in the real estate market and makes it more difficult for both elderly foreign renters and elderly late-re-settlers to find apartments that are more appropriate for the specific needs of the aged. Those among them with fewer economic resources cannot afford the services of real estate agents due to their mediation fees. They also have little chance of responding advertisements in German newspapers, because they seldom consult this media. Apartments without a bath or central heating in older multi-story buildings without elevators present the elderly with additional health burdens and dangers. Such conditions make daily activities more difficult, increase the risk of accidents, limit mobility, and thereby reduce the elderly person’s ability to function independently and engage in social activities. It is well known that foreign families suffer from household accidents more frequently than Germans. Undesirable residential conditions also contribute to the higher incidence of bronchial pneumonia among foreigners. Combined with the frequency of early disability and musculature/skeletal sickness among these groups, unfavourable residential conditions represent a considerable challenge to coping with everyday life. On the whole, the average health condition of the elderly has improved in recent decades. Nevertheless, considerable differences with respect to health are detected among the various groups comprising the elderly population. Groups within the elderly foreign population who have few financial resources and limited education are more at risk with regard to illness. This distinction includes migrant workers, who, for the most part, performed physically demanding work with deleterious health consequences. The physical stress associated with this kind of work manifests itself in premature physical deterioration. It is well known that this group experiences a relatively high rate of industrial accidents and early retirement due to health problems. Other countries have also reported migrant workers’ tendency toward early retirement. Due to the fact that in general, elderly migrants currently belong to the category of the young-old, meeting their nursing-care requirements will become problematic in the years to come, when a larger proportion has reached 80 years of age. Most elderly people reject the idea of moving into an old-age home. This attitude is even more marked among elderly migrants who prefer to be cared for at home, and only resort to formal care services when informal resources have been exhausted or are insufficient. Despite their willingness to assist, the potential of subsequent migrant generations to provide assistance is limited due to scant material resources. The ability to provide care in the home depends on certain material preconditions, such as handicapped-oriented furnishings. Even more decisive, however, is the availability of caregivers. Most elderly migrants focus their expectations on family and children for aid and assistance. According to social-exchange models and their application to gerontology, it is assumed that the more reciprocal the exchange of services between generations, the more satisfactory the relationships. In agrarian contexts, the family’s cohesion is based upon its function as a producing and consuming unit. A typical tendency after emigration is to continue maintaining this behavioural pattern under new conditions. The collective migrant household represents an aggregation of efforts to reach common goals. The combination of efforts by the migrant family in response to migration goals has a considerable impact on the status of the aged. Under such conditions, by acting out the role of grandparent, members of the first generation offer members of the second generation support and relief, which then enable them to focus their attention on common familial concerns. By taking on new useful functions, the elderly also strengthen family cohesion. Migration presents families with new functions. For instance, under conditions of migration, the family supplies a coping function. Given the burdens specific to the foreign cultural context, the family functions as a place of relief and social-emotional support. The more negative the social context, the more the family develops to represent a place where members are sure to experience positive affirmation. The family thus becomes a refuge. In cases of limited material resources, family members depend on each other for material support. Elderly members receive more assistance because their assistance is likewise needed. A study of private assistance networks among Turkish migrants in Hanover also highlights migrant workers’ tendency toward strong family orientation (Schubert, 1992). A differentiated investigation of the social networks of elderly migrant workers took place in connection with the BMA-Project study (1996); according to its findings, assistance networks, which provide instrumental and emotional support, are primarily composed of relatives. Children rank as the most important component of this network and assist mainly by interacting with authorities, difficult housework chores, and shopping. This study’s results also reveal that elderly migrant workers not only receive assistance but also contribute support to others, particularly their children. Support of this kind mainly consists of giving advice as regards personal and practical matters, helping with children’s household management and the family’s functioning, and caring for grandchildren (Olbermann & Dietzel-Papakyriakou, 1996). The high proportion of men characteristic of the elderly foreign population results from recruitment practices between 1955 and 1973. At the end of 1995, the percentage of male members in the foreign population aged 60 and older was 53.3 % (Germany : 38.9 %). Groups from Morocco and Tunisia have the highest proportion of men (82.9 and 80.0 % respectively.) Another important characteristic of the elderly foreign population, however, is the steadily increasing proportion of women aged between 70 and 75 years. With respect to the composition of the elderly migrant population according to family membership, characteristic differences become evident in comparison with German elders. The proportion of the foreign elderly who are married is considerably higher than the proportion among elderly Germans (66.9 % compared to 56.3 %). However, the proportion of foreigners who are widowed (20.7 %) is much lower than the percentage of widowed Germans (32.9 %). A comparison of the current familial status of the elderly population with corresponding results from the population census of 1987 reveals a shift in favour of marriage. While this development applies both to Germans and foreigners, the trend is more prevalent among the foreign population. The highest growth rates apply to elderly migrants from Turkey. According to the micro-census from 1994, 85 % of elderly Turkish migrants are married (Eggen, 1997). In contrast, elderly migrants from Eastern Europe and the Netherlands are seldom married (52 % and 55 %, respectively). The majority of elderly migrants have spouses of the same nationality, while 18 % of married foreigners aged 60 years and older have German spouses (Eggen, 1997). In general, these migrants are able to establish social relations in a German context, in contrast to many elderly migrants whose spheres of contact and interaction are primarily limited to their own ethnic groups (Dietzel-Papakyriakou & Olbermann, 1996a). For the majority of first generation migrants, especially in the case of migrant workers, migration was connected with more or less long periods of separation from the family. As a result of recruitment policies, mostly male workers originally travelled to Germany. In a few special cases, women were recruited. Later, after the official end of recruitment measures, the migration of spouses began. Married migrants thus lived separated from their spouses for years and sometimes decades. Variations according to nationality also exist, so that Spanish and Greek migrants more typically lived in whole families, compared with migrants with Turkish citizenship. While only 1.7 % of German comparison groups live separated from their spouse, this is the case for 7.8 % of married elderly foreigners (Eggen, 1997). Apart from spouses, children constitute the most important contact group in the familial context. Compared with elderly Germans, families of first generation migrants generally have more children and more often live with them. 30.2 % of elderly foreigners share a household either with their children or grandchildren, whereas the proportion of elderly Germans living in multigenerational households is merely 14.5 %. Again, these patterns vary according to nationality. Multigenerational households apply most frequently to migrants from Turkey. Approximately half this group lives together with children, and one in ten lives together with children and grandchildren (Eggen, 1997). One of the most important focuses of geriatric research is intergenerational relationships. The potential for both stress and support, which is inherent to these relationships, has a decisive impact on the quality of old age. The ability to achieve a desired standard of living in old age, which for both elderly migrants and elderly Germans generally implies the maintenance of independence and the chance to remain in a familiar and trusted environment, depends mostly on available sources of help and assistance. Familial sources of support play a very central role. Spatial nearness to relatives, especially children, is not the only decisive determinant. The quality of relationships and a mutual willingness between generations to provide assistance are also very important. For a long time, a single and, according to current knowledge, one-sided interpretative approach guided investigations of the migrant family’s potential to provide assistance. This approach maintained that in families torn apart by migration and strained by pressures to acculturate to German society, the second generation becomes alienated from the parent generation and demonstrates a reduced tendency to offer support to elderly relatives. The fact that in many German families, relatives supply the majority of assistance to one another suggests that cultural assimilation, or the adoption of German cultural orientations, must not necessarily weaken family solidarity. Such a dramatic generalisation of second-generation tendencies is unfounded. There is little doubt that cultural orientations decisively influence a person’s perception of and approach to old age. Gerontological research has demonstrated this relationship. Yet, the question remains regarding the extent to which the first generation’s increasing ethnic-cultural orientation influences the orientation of subsequent generations. Discrepancies can arise when the first generation’s limited degree of acculturation contrasts with the second generation’s accelerated acculturation, or, in some cases, assimilation. When judged according to competence in the German language, and social and cultural skills in German contexts, the degree of acculturation achieved by elderly migrants, particularly by migrant workers, is low. First generation migrants who belong to groups with extensive ethnic social networks and possess their own infrastructure, face little pressure to assimilate compared with smaller migrant groups who do not have access to intra-cultural alternatives. Subsequent migrant generations have experienced a variety of acculturation processes, due to the fact that they include migrants who were first socialised as children and youths in their native countries before coming to Germany. Processes of integration undergone by these generations range from assimilation to ethnicisation. Occasionally, members of a single migrant family represent various points along this continuum. Even in cases of far reaching cultural transition, intergenerational solidarity is not weakened in all spheres. Among certain migrant groups, subsequent generations demonstrate dedication to family and maintain a supportive function (Nauck, 1997, 1994). Nevertheless, intergenerational interactions take place in various « solidarity fields », which change over a life course and from situation to situation, as do the needs for support. Value conflicts are dependant upon gender, positions within familial hierarchy, and the phase of personal biography. Conflicts experienced during youth may, with increasing maturity, be overcome during middle age. When elders’ need for support arises, members of the second generation find themselves in adulthood. Intergenerational relationships have, up to that point, undergone continual change. Adults of the second generation, already middle-aged, « switch » perspectives as they themselves enter the role of parents. For both the German and foreign population, new bases of intergenerational interaction are possible once subsequent generations reach middle age. Responsibility for the care of aged parents is not equally distributed among all children. Certain types of assistance, for instance nursing care, imply preferences for specific family members, as well as the exclusion of others. In addition, in order to cope with developments on a magnitude beyond the organisation of everyday life, other resources must be mobilised. A consequence of this reliance on family, which is also reported in other countries of migration (Lewinter et al., 1994), is a marked restraint in the utilisation of institutional assistance. Many migrants see the utilisation of professional support as an encroachment on cultural norms. For them, it is linked with feelings of guilt or a sense failure in meeting familial responsibilities. These cultural norms and their consistency across various generations are prevalent to various degrees among different nationalities and are dependent on social background. In general, however, the family is very important for elderly migrants. A person’s need for social and emotional support changes during the course of the life cycle. For many people, departure from gainful employment results in the loss of social contact. Because social contact outside one’s own ethnic group is, for the most part, facilitated by language ability and transcultural skills, first generational migrants have very little contact with the German population. Their social relationships primarily involve members of their own ethnicity (BAGS, 1998). Foreign elders’ possibility to maintain social interactions is not only limited by the illness and death of others in their age group, but also by the remigration of social contacts to the country of origin. The major restructuring of life circumstances is frequently perceived as psychologically burdensome. Old age is also a time of heightened preoccupation with the past, reflection on one’s own mortality, the search for metaphysical explanations, and support through religious values and orientations. The societal group is not the only determinant of the constellation of sources for social and psychological support relied upon by the elderly. Most important for foreign elderly who come from agricultural, largely unsecularized societies are relationships based on ethnic commonality. These consist of multiple groupings of family networks, which maintain common traditions, language, and sense of history. Against a backdrop of relative social homogeneity, these elders can act out the role as elder that is prescribed by their specific culture and value system. Nevertheless, given limited mobility that accompanies old age, spatial vicinity is important to be able to gain access to networks of this kind. In keeping with residential tendencies of the foreign population on the whole, elderly foreigners, above all migrant workers, typically settle in large or middle-sized cities where they tend to concentrate in specific districts. Migrant enclaves develop due to constraints in the real estate market as well as migrants’ own preferences for contacts. These enclaves are also reinforced by chain migrations : concentrated migratory movements from a particular region in the land of origin to a particular region in the land of migration. They arise fundamentally due to the « transplantation » or continuation of social or, more importantly, extensively interconnected familial relationships. On the one hand, through spatial segregation, these concentrations reduce the number of social interactions with the receiving society, hinder the social and occupational mobility of the second generation and further reduce their access to the receiving society’s resources. On the other hand, as a realm of protection and identity, they provide the various minority cultures with an infrastructure of resources, ranging from ethnic foods to religious institutions, gathering points, and foreigners’ organisations. However, not all elderly migrants have access to cultural niches of this kind. In general, a group’s ability to build an ethnic and social infrastructure is directly proportional to its size. The results of the « Sozio-oekonomisches Panel » related to Turkish migrants reveal that approximately two-thirds stated that they have no German contacts (Seifert, 1995). According to the « Repraesentivuntersuchung zur Situation der auslaendischen Arbeitnehmer und ihrer Familienangehoerigen » (Survey on the situation of foreign workers and their families) of 1995, the proportion of Turkish elders who prefer a segregated apartment rose from 10.5 % in 1980 to 17 % in 1995 (Mehrlaender et al., 1996). The degree to which contact patterns and social preferences are intra-ethnic increases with age. First generation migrant workers and native Germans demonstrate little willingness to initiate interethnic social contact. Study results reveal that sociocultural and language barriers, as well as negative preconceptions are prevalent deterrents among these elders (Wiegand, 1992). Very old age is frequently a phenomenon found among women. Due to their longer life expectancy, women’s involvement in family life is both qualitatively and quantitatively different from that of men. Centeredness in the family is a potential source of support, especially when dense kinship networks are available. Traditional women’s life patterns, which ascribe women a stronger orientation toward the family, reduce the potential stress associated with their age-dependent departure from the work force. This return to « feminine » duties leads to less role-discontinuity than for men. Indeed, gerontological studies suggest that traditionally-oriented women adapt more successfully to conditions of old age. Fewer losses in functional ability and the accumulated experiences of difficult personal biographies are elements which make elder migrant women benefit from traditional role assignments. The occupations specific to women among traditionally-oriented spheres, however, lead inevitably to poverty in old age. Widowed migrant workers, in particular, represent the least provided for group among the entire elderly population. In addition, they risk social isolation, particularly when widowhood is conflated by deficiencies in familial support systems. Due to their limited German skills and capabilities in practical matters, these elderly women of foreign heritage will not be likely to be in a position to make use of supplementary institutional support systems. This explains the tendency of many traditionally-oriented migrant women to prevent their daughters from undergoing a drastic social and cultural transition. This attempt could also be understood as a precautionary measure toward ensuring their own care in old age. Not only daughters are bound to their parents by the role of caregiver. Socialisation patterns specific to sons also transmit values predicated on care-giving and loyalty to elderly parents. Criteria that apply in the selection of daughter in laws reflect these male socialisation patterns. Above all, in cultures where daughters-in-law traditionally relinquish their own families in order to shift to the husband’s family, a mother-in-law places great stock in the willingness of her son’s bride to take on care-giving duties. Due to the biological basis of the mother-daughter relationship, a strong emotional bond is able to grow between mothers and daughters over the course of socialisation. In contrast, the loyalty that a daughter-in-law feels toward her mother-in-law is merely normative. Up until the time when daughters or daughters-in-law begin to function as caregivers for elderly family members, their familial position is typically premised on their role as mothers. Frequently, women in this middle generation are still dependent on the support of elderly women. Elders’ assistance with the care of grandchildren and sickness is welcome, brings responsibilities among family members into a certain reciprocity, and positively influences the position of elderly women. Further progress toward the harmonisation of organisations responsible for the social security of migrant workers in both receiving and sending societies would contribute to elderly migrants’ freedom of choice in selecting their country of residence, and to dismantling hindrances to remigration. Member countries of the European Union would be the first to profit from such developments. Favourable regulations, however, should benefit all migrant workers, including those from non-EU member countries, especially with respect to the former recruiting countries Yugoslavia, Turkey, Morocco, and Tunisia. Most importantly, migrants who have returned to their country of origin, but who draw pension payments from German insurance carriers, should always be ensured access to German medical care during briefs stays in Germany. The restrictive benefit allowances granted to returned migrants raises difficulties and additional costs for all those concerned. In addition, concepts for long-term care insurance must consider the unique needs of the foreign elderly population and designate border-crossing regulations. For instance, a concept worthy of support is the promotion of the construction of exemplary old-age homes in countries of origin, as needed, for returned migrants. To the extent that these services would be jointly supported by the Federal Republic of Germany, and would offer quality care, they would be an acceptable alternative for certain groups of elderly migrant workers. Such reality-based measures would ease the decision of remigration for a great number of migrant workers, and would prevent them having to remain in Germany against their wishes, for their realistic fear of losing social service benefits. Problems and burdens in old age are not specific to foreigners but also apply to the native population. However, due to a number of factors, these problems are intensified for certain groups of elderly foreigners. Measures to improve concrete, material living-conditions (specifically with respect to income, residence, and health) must take consideration of the cultural and social needs unique to specific groups. Elders of foreign heritage with language and informational difficulties, must be ensured access to available support measures, through outreach-focused counselling that is administered in their respective language. Members of subsequent migrant generations, who for the most part are German-speaking, as well as the self-organised migrant organisations existing in many cities could take on important mediation functions. Measures to provide foreigner districts with support centers and ambulatory care for the elderly are critical if care in a trusted environment is to be guaranteed. Given the existing usage barriers and inhibitions experienced by certain groups of elderly foreigners, outreach-focused and activating work tactics are called for. Elders of foreign heritage, especially traditionally-oriented migrant workers and late-re-settlers, focus their expectations for assistance first and foremost on children. Subsequent generations typically possess more self-assurance and skills in Germany. They are therefore be more viable targets for innovative projects, including self-help services, than their parents’ generation, and could be directly engaged through German institutions. Psychosocial and supplementary professional assistance to family caregivers must be included in measures supporting the home care of elderly migrants. These services must accommodate cultural differences in order to be capable of reaching migrant families and to be accepted by them. In cases where families’ potential to assist elders of foreign heritage or late-re-settlers is insufficient or unavailable, institutionalisation may be unavoidable. Accordingly, elderly migrants must also be assured placements in care-giving institutions that are specifically oriented to their unique needs. Toward this aim, various innovative models have been developed in recent years. One such model is called partial integration and involves joint residence among migrants and natives, with each group still able to enjoy its preferred living conditions insofar as this is possible. According to this model, groups of institutional residents consisting of a certain ethnic group would be under the jurisdiction of bilingual personnel who would take their specific cultural needs into consideration, from nourishment to religious preferences, as well as care for native residents. Models of this kind, referred to as « ethnic emphases in elder care » have, in the meantime, been implemented in actual practice, so that practical experience is available for reference (Dietzel-Papakyriakou & Olbermann, 1998). |